Igbophobia: How Fulani Elites Weaponize Hate to Advance Conquest and Islamization in Nigeria Before the British amalgamated the Southern and...
Igbophobia: How Fulani Elites Weaponize Hate to Advance Conquest and Islamization in Nigeria
Before the British amalgamated the Southern and Northern Protectorates into what is now known as Nigeria, the Igbo people lived in relative peace in the old Eastern region; free from war, tribal conflict, or domination. The same could not be said of the North, where centuries of conquests had reshaped the political landscape.
Few Nigerians are aware that long before Nigeria's creation, the region now known as the North experienced series of violent territorial conquests—commonly referred to as jihads—led by Fulani extremist Uthman Dan Fodio. His jihad dethroned the Hausa kings and replaced them with Fulani emirs, a legacy that persists to this day.
When Black Africans attempts to raise awareness of these historical truths, they are often met with resistance and resentment. As the late reggae legend Lucky Dube once said:
“When you go to America, the first thing they do is give you a Bible and teach you how to read. In Africa, they give you the Bible and say, ‘Don’t read.’” This speaks volumes about how knowledge is often suppressed to maintain control.
Despite their immense contributions to Nigeria’s development and international reputation, the Igbo people have faced systemic marginalization. This marginalization stems from a calculated narrative crafted and propagated to cast Ndigbo as threats to national unity rather than as fellow stakeholders in Nigeria’s progress.
In an interview published in The Parrot newspaper on October 12, 1960 shortly after Nigeria’s independence. Ahmadu Bello, the then Premier of Northern Nigeria, infamously described Ndigbo as “domineering.” He stated:
“The Igbo are more or less the type of people whose desire is mainly to dominate everybody. If they go to a village or town, they want to monopolize everything in that area. If you put them in a labour camp as a labourer, within a year, they will try to emerge as headman in that camp.”
This sweeping generalization was not only unfounded but deeply divisive. When questioned about employing Igbos in the North, he responded:
“In actual fact, what it is, is a Northerner first. If we can’t get a Northerner, then we take an expatriate on contract. If we can’t, then we can employ another Nigerian but on contract too. This is going to be permanent… because it would be rather dangerous to see the number of boys we are now turning from our learning institutions having no work to do. I’m sure that whichever government is in power might be embarrassed, it might even lead to bloodshed.”
This ideology was not about “domineering” Igbos; it was a strategic move to block merit-based inclusion. As the saying goes, "Where there are cunning men, there will always be wise men to expose their schemes." Ahmadu Bello’s logic was deeply flawed, as excellence is not a crime, it is the natural outcome of hard work and intellect.
Fast-forward to present-day Nigeria: Aliko Dangote holds near-monopoly power over several key industries—cement, sugar, flour, and even petroleum. Yet, an Igbo entrepreneur, Ibeto who once provided the most affordable cement in the market saw his license revoked and operations shut down, clearly a move to stifle competition.
While some celebrate Dangote’s dominance, they deride Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, a globally respected economist and current WTO Director-General as “domineering”, simply because she is Igbo. This contradiction exposes a dangerous bias against Igbo excellence.
Meanwhile, those who have committed grave atrocities including the killing of Nigerian soldiers are celebrated and rewarded, while the widows of those soldiers are abandoned without support. During President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration, he prioritized education, especially for Almajiri children in Northern Nigeria. He initiated the Almajiri Education Program, which led to the construction of 157 Almajiri model schools across the northern states, yet many were abandoned. These children, denied education, remain pawns in a system designed to keep them impoverished and dependent.
The Fulani elite have long exploited disunity and ignorance to sustain their dominance. They thrive in chaos and corruption. A prosperous, educated, and united Nigeria would threaten this hegemony, hence the persistent sabotage of progress.
Igbo people have long been scapegoated and demonized for asking for fairness, equity, and accountability. The Enugu coal mine massacre, the 1966 pogroms that claimed over 60,000 lives, the Asaba women massacre, and the genocide of the Biafran War (1967–1970) that killed more than 5 million Igbo are chilling reminders of what happens when a group is vilified simply for standing up for their rights.
Despite this, Ndigbo remain committed to peaceful dialogue and have called for a UN-supervised referendum. Yet, even this democratic request is met with hostility.
It is time Nigerians, especially our neighbors in the Southwest open their eyes to the manipulation that has fueled division. The false unity championed by Fulani elites is a tool of control, not progress. Until we confront this truth, real unity will remain an illusion.
Family Writers Press International
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